“Murder and
Jihad:
The
Destruction of Bangladesh’s Hindus”
A speech by
Dr. Richard L. Benkin
On the
occasion of his receiving the Vishwa Hindu Ratna Award
Hinduism
Summit (Hindu Dharmasabha)
Hindu Temple
of Greater Chicago
Lemont, IL
April 24,
2010
Namaste.
As a practicing Jew, I am
struck regularly by the similarities our faiths share. In February, I had the honor of taking part in
the spiritually uplifting Kumbh Mela in the sacred city of Haridwar. As I took my dip of purification in the holy Ganga,
I could not help but recall the Jewish purification ritual I experience annually
at Yom Kippur: an acknowledgement that each of us does transgress
in some way; and more importantly, that to become better people we must look
inward. When I looked inward, I saw the essence that joins Vedic and Judaic
principles to guide me on my earthly journey.
But we also share a
tragic link. Less than two weeks ago,
the Jewish people observed Yom HaShoah
to remember the Nazi holocaust and its 6,000,000 Jewish victims. That atrocity of atrocities taught us two
things if nothing else: one, that
pretending things are not what we know them to be only delays the inevitable
battles; and two, the phrase Never Again,
by which we vowed to prevent future holocausts perpetrated against any people. With Yom
HaShoah’s memorial candles still blazing in our minds, it is time to put Never Again to the test.
Bangladesh’s Hindu
population is dying. This is not opinion
or the ravings of an ideologue: It is a
fact. At the time of India’s partition
in 1948, they made up a little less than a third of East Pakistan’s
population. When East Pakistan became
Bangladesh in 1971, Hindus were less than a fifth; thirty years later, less
than one in ten; and several estimates put the Hindu population at less than
eight percent today. Professor Sachi
Dastidar of the State University of New York estimates that about 40 million
Hindus are missing from the Bangladeshi census.[1] Still having trouble wondering where this is
going? Take a look at Pakistan where
Hindus are down to one percent or Kashmir where they are almost gone. Take a look at the future of Bangladesh’s
Hindus if we do not act.
Meanwhile, we have seen a
consistent torrent of reports documenting anti-Hindu incidents there; “incidents”
including murder, gang rape, assault, forced conversion to Islam, child
abduction, land grabs, and religious desecration. And while Bangladeshi officials might object that
the perpetrators were non-state actors, government culpability rests, at the
very least, on the fact that it pursues very few of these cases and punishes
even fewer perpetrators. Their excuses have
not stopped the killing. In fact, successive
Bangladeshi governments—whether the openly Islamist BNP, the civilian or
military caretaker, or the supposedly
pro-minority Awami League—all have been
passive bystanders, failing—or refusing—to exercise their sovereign
responsibility to protect the life and security of all their citizens; and thus
they have sent radical Islamists and common citizens alike a clear message that
these acts can be undertaken with impunity.[2]
And yet, in this
topsy-turvy world, it is WE who have to prove that there is something
wrong. One would expect justice to
demand that the BANGLADESHIS explain why they should not be charged with
complicity in eliminating an entire people numbering in the tens of
millions. That very presumption should
tell us why we cannot rest until WE stop this atrocity—completely and forever!
I have spoken with hundreds
of Bangladeshi Hindu refugees living in largely illicit colonies throughout North
and Northeast India. In describing the
attacks that forced them to leave their ancestral homes, they made it very
clear that their attackers were not necessarily radicals, but neighbors; common,
everyday Muslims. They also reported
with near unanimity that when they went to the police and other officials for
help, they were advised to drop the subject and “get out of Bangladesh.” Last March, I interviewed a family that crossed
into India only 22 days earlier. They
told me about an uncle being killed, the father beaten, and their small farm
invaded by a large number of Muslims. I
also looked into the eyes of their 14-year-old daughter as she talked about
being gang raped. Who did it? Not al Qaeda or even Jammat; but simply
Muslims who lived in the area and knew they could have their way with the
family, seize their land, and get away with it.[3] And that is chilling because history
has shown that the most “successful” cases of genocide and ethnic cleansing occur
when a small cadre of true believers incites average citizens to engage in
heinous acts against a targeted minority that they otherwise would not dream of
committing. There might be no Gestapo or Janjaweed in Bangladesh, but its Hindu community is facing a
similar process of destruction at the hands of the Bangladeshi majority.
In fact, it is even
worse; because albeit too late, the civilized world eventually heard the cries
coming out of Nazi Europe, Rwanda, and Darfur.
As difficult as it was getting to that point, it is even more difficult
getting the world to see an atrocity without concentration camps that has been
going on for decades. When was the last
time Amnesty International protested this; or the UN Human Rights Commission;
or anyone else? What about the United
States, or India? Never; and it is our responsibility to make sure they do. Because if we do not, no one else will, count on it, and we will see an end to
the Bangladeshi Hindus in our lifetime!
So, how do we do it? First, recognize that the mere fact that our
cause is just does not mean people will support us. They have not so far, and nothing lately has indicated
that is changing. We have to change
things ourselves. Second, understand
that justice will not come because people finally “see the light,” but as the
result of many small victories that make it impossible for the world to
continue ignoring what we know is happening to the Hindus of Bangladesh. That means with all due respect that we do
not need to hear from groups and individuals about how hard they have worked
for this cause. Let us not confuse effort with
results. Human lives hang in the
balance! Whatever they have done, it has
not stopped the murders, rapes, and expulsions; it has not stopped the
progressive de-Hinduization of East Bengal and Islamization of West
Bengal.[4]We have
to move forward with a new dynamic—one that is practical and action-oriented;
and one that demands commitment from each of us.
Appeals to right and
wrong have not and will not work no
matter how many times we try. There is
no internal dynamic for the Bangladeshi government to defend Hindus—or any
other religious minority. The only chance of it happening is for an outside
power to “convince” Sheikh Hasina and her crowd that it is in their interests
to do so. As an American, I look first
to my own country as the entity that should
stand up and be that outside power.
The Bangladeshis have at
least four pressure points the United States can push: trade, economic cooperation, UN peacekeeping
troops, and its image as a democratic and moderate Islamic nation. If we have any measure of success on even one
of them, the Bangladeshis are powerless.
Let me give you two quick examples of what I mean. I was in Dhaka during the 2007 coup. Most people think it occurred because of
unrest over the BNP’s rigging the elections; but that is not what
happened. There was a lot of street violence when I arrived there, and every
western democracy was calling for the elections to be postponed; but the
military had no intention of moving until someone got the UN to weigh in and
threaten to review Bangladesh’s participation in peacekeeping missions. Bangladesh contributes more UN peacekeeping
troops than any other country—almost 11,000 at this moment—and that economy
depends on its receipts.[5] Besides losing them if the program is cancelled, the very thought of 11,000 young,
angry, unemployed, and armed men is
enough to scare the pants off anyone—even enough to cause a coup. If anything, Bangladesh is more vulnerable
now.
In another case,
Bangladesh’s notorious Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) abducted a colleague of
mine in Dhaka—and we know that RAB’s abductees often have a habit of “disappearing.” So, I called the Bangladeshi ambassador to
remind him that I helped stop several attempts at awarding Bangladesh tariff
relief and would do so again, then added that if my colleague was not released
unharmed and soon, “there will be a shit storm that you cannot even
imagine.” But, you see, right after that
I called several Capitol Hill offices that have supported this cause and within
the next 45 minutes, the embassy received angry inquiries from at least six of
them, including some with responsibility for trade and appropriations. Needless to say, my colleague was freed
unharmed after, as he told me, “higher ups” called the RAB commander.
Understand; this is not
about me but about a good plan and organization and what they can do. In both instances, material interest not
justice convinced the Bangladeshis to act, and if it worked then, it will work
now to save Bangladesh’s Hindus.
What has been lacking so
far is focus. Our goal, you will
remember is to take this atrocity out of the shadows despite the absence of
concentration camps and sustained outrage; and to do so in some goal-directed
and purposeful way. Congressman Mike
Pence (R-IN) once said that a Representative who receives at least ten phone
calls from constituents on an issue will take notice, call staff meetings, and
likely vote in favor of it. He is right,
but something I have learned in Washington is that contacts have a better
chance to succeed if organized. You
better know what you want the person to do, what he or she can do, and above all be focused and succinct. Here are some things that Congress can do and
which we can affect.
Hold hearings on the ethnic cleansing of Bangladesh’s Hindus. Staff of the Tom
Lantos Human Rights Commission in the US House of Representatives (TLHRC) has said
they would consider doing this. We still
have a way to go, but the TLHRC is unlike other Congressional committees. It is non-partisan, and members are not
appointed by party but by their interest in human rights. No matter who is in power, there are two equal
Democrat and Republican co-chairs. We
need to bombard the Congress about this.
Call your Representatives—especially the co-chairs, Frank Wolf (R-VA)
and Jim McGovern (D-MA); and Chris Smith (R-NJ), who has been on the TLHRC for
years and has a strong record of defending human rights. Get others to do the same. I have contact information and a script
people on the back table that people can personalize and use. Call or fax; do NOT send it by email or post. It is something everyone can do, and if they
are uncomfortable talking, they send the fax.
It is a great start; but only
a start. Once this happens, we can move
to other committees with authority over specific matters, like appropriations
and foreign policy, and can impact them.
Defeat attempts to award Bangladesh tariff relief or other
trade benefits. From the day former Bangladesh Ambassador
Shamsher M. Chowdhury came to the United States in 2003, his number one goal
was securing a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with our country. Thanks to the resolute work of Congressman
Mark Kirk (R-IL), currently running for Senator in Illinois, we were able to
block its consideration until Bangladesh cleans up its human rights act. There are those who claim that the clean-up
occurred with the election of the Awami League at the end of 2008. Fortunately, Kirk knows otherwise and
continues to press for human rights in Bangladesh. Beyond that, there have been at least six
attempts since 2005 to pass legislation that would have awarded Bangladesh something
less than an FTA in the form of tariff relief or other trade benefits. In every case, we have been able to stop them
and make sure the Bangladesh embassy knew it.
In the case of one Senate bill, they sent no lesser a light than Nobel
laureate Mohammed Yunis to urge its passage; but despite the respect with which
he was treated personally, the bill never got out of subcommittee. The Bangladeshis try to portray this as simple
obstructionism, but it is a positive defense of human rights. This is how we must posture ourselves,
because that, in fact is what it is. Another
example. Senator Diane Feinstein (D-CA)
co-sponsored of one of these bills, and while I am not a California voter, I
work with people who are. So I asked one
of them to call her office and let her know that the bill threatens to undo
months of human rights work, especially in our efforts to free anti-jihad Muslim
journalist, Salah Uddin Shoaib Choudhury.
An aide took the message to the Senator who said she had “no idea that
the bill could have that effect on the case.”
While she did not drop her co-sponsorship, she stopped supporting the
bill; and it eventually died. The bill
seemed like a good thing to do—help people in a struggling country—but we had
been telling the Bangladeshis that until they play ball on human rights, they
would not get the trade benefits they covet.
No one connected the dots until we did it for them, and it worked.
Some other things that can be done.
·
The
US can insert conditional human rights language into the myriad Bangladeshi
appropriations. Mark Kirk did that a few
years ago, calling on Bangladesh to drop the false charges against Salah Uddin
Shoaib Choudhury; language that can be used at any time to turn up the heat on
Bangladesh.
·
We
can raise the issue when the Bangladeshis urge Americans to do business in
Bangladesh. I know American businesses. If we have a significant presence, they will not
find it in their interests to do business with a country that tolerates ethnic
cleansing and religious persecution, especially if it could also drive away
American consumers.
·
In
2009, the US Commission on International Religious Freedom upgraded Bangladesh’s
status for transitioning from military-backed rule. I have been working with USCIRF to try and reverse
that based on the ongoing persecution of Hindus, by providing objectively
verified and verifiable information about these atrocities.
There are four things everyone
can focus on right now.
·
Push
for those Congressional hearings. They
will affect legislative issues and counter cynical attempt to portray Bangladesh
as “moderate.” Everyone take a script, make the Congressional calls, and get as
many people as you can to do it, too.
·
Let’s
not do this alone. Hindus should join
with others, starting with my own Jewish community, to increase chances of
success. We share both tragedies and uplifting
principles that make our faiths great. I
have started initiatives in Texas, California, and here in the Chicago
area. See me after the program to
participate.
·
Recognize
our friends in Washington and make sure they are re-elected. Mark Kirk, running for the US Senate from Illinois,
is our greatest champion. Republican
Whip Eric Cantor (VA) is also a tremendous ally. Others include Steve Rothman and John Adler (D-NJ),
Judy Biggert (R-IL), Trent Franks (R-AZ), Allyson Schwartz (D-PA), Nita Lowey (D-NY);
and Senator Tom Coburn (R-OK). By doing
this, we can make our concerns as politically potent as those of any religious
or ethnic group and will no longer be
ignored.
I also want to extend my
warmest thanks to Dr. Daniel Pipes and his Middle East Forum for extending continuous
and tangible support; to the Forum for Hindu Awakening for this honor; to
Prasadji [Yalamanchi] and the RSS for their never-ending strength and support;
and to my wife Barbara whose sacrifice has been every bit as great as my own.
There is something else
everyone can do. Last year, I founded a
human rights organization, Forcefield.
Unlike Amnesty International and the rest, it is not
“agenda-driven.” That is, we are not
tied to any leftist ideology, network of supporters, or “flavor of the week”
issues. And we specifically are NOT
anti-Israel. We are recognized by the
governments of the United States and India; and contrary to the other
organizations, Forcefield is committed to stop the ethnic cleansing of Hindus in
Bangladesh and hopefully help persecuted Hindus from Kashmir, Pakistan, and
elsewhere by bringing this to the world’s attention.
Our efforts include my human
rights missions to South Asia; a documentary about the Bangladeshi Hindus that we
expect to be a call for action; and an online newspaper to bring Americans and
others solid information about what is happening in South Asia. We have various professionals ready to
participate, victims ready to testify, and correspondents standing by in the
key areas of India to bring Americans news that CNN, MSNBC, and Fox News never
cover; news I never see it in my morning Chicago
Tribune, the Washington Post or
the New York Times; even though it is
about the international jihad that
threatens us all.
What is lacking is
something that I am probably as uncomfortable talking about as you are hearing: funds.
We are brand new and lack the large funding sources others have. If every Hindu in the United States gave just
one dollar to Forcefield, we could get these projects going and have an
immediate impact on the Hindus’ fate. Besides
your own donations, you can help with organizations or individuals who can make
grants to Forcefield to help us save Bangladeshi Hindu lives.
Donations are fully
tax-deductable, and our credentials are available for inspection. There are envelopes in the back for
donations, as well as forms to donate by credit card. You can also donate by credit card through my
own web site, http://www.interfaithstrength.com, and click the “Donate” button. Every penny you give will help stop the
atrocities we know are happening.
So, four specific things
we can do now are (1) Take a script and get EVERYONE to call Congress about
holding hearings; (2) See me about Hindu-Jewish outreach; (3) Re-elect our friends and send them back to
Washington, especially Mark Kirk here in Illinois. (4) Support Forcefield with donations, and
get others to do the same.
Joseph Stalin is said to
have remarked, “One death is a tragedy, a million deaths a statistic.”[6] That 14-year-old rape victim—that child—I met
was no statistic, and God help us if
we make her one!
Thank you for the honor
you have bestowed upon me.
[1] Population statistics taken from the census of Pakistan (1948), and Bangladesh (1974 and 2001). Also see Dastidar, Sachi G.; Empire’s Last Casualty: Indian Subcontinent’s Vanishing Hindu and other Minorities. (Kolkata: Firma KLM Private Limited, 2008).
[2]
See for example, incidents in the monthly newsletter of the Bangladesh Hindu,
Buddhist, Christian Unity Council available at http://www.bhbcuc-usa.org/index.html. The Hindu American Foundation has documented
these atrocities in successive annual reports, entitled Hindus in South Asia and the Diaspora:
A Survey of Human Rights [followed by a specific year]; copyright
Hindu American Foundation. For instance,
2007, pages 5-21; 2008, pages 3-15. They
also are available at the Hindu American Foundation web site, http://www.hafsite.org. Global Human Rights Defence investigates and
reports on human rights violations against Bangladeshi Hindus at http://ghrd.org.
Click “countries” and then “Bangladesh.”
The first and third organizations have also worked with me in providing
evidence of anti-Hindu activities in Bangladesh.
[3] This information came from recorded and unrecorded interviews I had with Bangladeshi Hindu refugees, living in mostly illegal colonies in the Indian states of West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, and Uttarakhan, from 2008-2010. The 14-year old rape victim related the story to me in an encampment in North Dinajpur near the Bangladesh border in March 2009.
[4] For the latter, see Bimal Primanik, Endangered Demography: Nature and Impact of Demographic Changes in West Bengal 1951-2001. (Kolkata: G. C. Modak, 2005), as well as numerous articles by him subsequently.
[5] Figures come from the United Nations itself, Contributors to United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, and the February figures can be found at http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/contributors/2010/jan10_1.pdf.
[6] Elizabeth Knowles, editor, Oxford Dictionary of Modern Quotations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 301. Attributed to Joseph Stalin.